The Go-Getter’s Guide To Milliway Capital Martin Smith November 29, 2013 The Go-Getter’s Guide to Milliway Capital Martin Smith November 29, 2013 A post shared by Redhook Publishing (@redhookpublisher) on Nov 29, 2013 at 12:28pm PST “What does it tell you about corporate culture and social miseries that the city of Boston is witnessing?” I asked. A black engineer named Larry Finley, who is a member of the Boston Coalition for Public Buildings, said, “That’s not really an official White House policy. It has to be interpreted in a broader, urban context. Whatever the point when it comes to the social, political and cultural direction of governance, there is a strategic imperative now. It clearly needs to be understood [to] help Americans understand how Massachusetts is moving and does moving forward after years of neglect and inaction.
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” Martin Smith reminded me that almost every city has something resembling this social crisis in its social, political and cultural consciousness. This is not just a problem in Boston. Since the early 1900s, racial mass-mob violence and the growing sense that black perpetrators of crime were playing an unnecessary role or the most deadly form of violence had become more influential in government, housing, and policymaking in the country. President Lyndon Johnson’s vision of racial reconciliation and change, championed by New Orleans’ Tamir Rice, grew into a grandiose vision of black power, the promise of grand, transformative change, all spread beyond Miami. The 1980s saw my company rise of all these alternative political parties, which called for all those of us who were involved with civil rights to reclaim power, and which called again for restoration of civil rights and social justice.
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Many of the American movement toward civil rights and social justice, including the Black Power Movement and the Black Youth Project, moved to movement only some 15 years ago and for some time. These movement movements, however, largely relied on white popular interest to push their agenda in an uncompetitive urban environment and also mobilized its black and Latino members, who were disproportionately more working class than anyone else in a region at the time. In the aftermath of the civil rights wars in the South and West, the generation of Martin Smith, which included the early proponents of resistance to the war, encouraged the black radicals to organize and expand their movement in order to challenge the failure of the police to enforce their rights and take the lead against the system. The black left tried to exploit the social conditions of the world to try to win independence. That did occur only recently — when Martin Simmons, former mayor of Camden and in charge of the social change movement that helped important link the Black Panther Party, and Malcolm X, leader of the Boston chapter of the Black Power Movement, published his book, As a Black Man Suffers: A Speculative History of Black Women’s Power.
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In that essay, Simmons argues that the city of Boston is in a “deep crisis” because it is afraid of racist violence. Black communities, he writes on his website, have “become inundated with racist weapons that deter any sort of retaliation against or correction of the city’s racist policies and practices” and so have “become our own punching bags.” I agree. At one point Simmons called Boston, as he calls a “slave city,” a “real disaster”. The city’s black minority, I argued, already is at risk because of the racism and discrimination that has a long history and in